Calculated Ignorance: Pamela Evette, Shane Massey, and the Death of South Carolina’s Hate Crimes Bill
- CUBNSC
- Aug 12
- 4 min read
By Javar Juarez | Columbia Urban Broadcast Network
A State Stuck in 1876
South Carolina is one of only two states in America without a hate crimes law, standing alongside Wyoming in a category that should shame any modern democracy. Despite repeated efforts to join the rest of the nation, the Clementa C. Pinckney Hate Crimes Bill has languished in the State Senate for more than four years.
Lt. Governor Pamela Evette recently made comments on the bill that reveal either a deep misunderstanding of its significance or a calculated dismissal of the urgency to act. Whether born of ignorance or political convenience, her stance is part of a long tradition in South Carolina politics: delay, distract, and deny justice while appealing to a hard-right base that resists acknowledging systemic racism.
By suggesting that “all crime is hate crime” or that existing laws are “enough,” Evette ignores both the letter and spirit of why hate crime statutes exist: to address violence specifically motivated by bias — crimes intended not only to harm individuals, but to terrorize entire communities.
The Legacy They Don’t Want to Talk About
South Carolina’s refusal to pass a hate crimes law is not a neutral position — it’s part of a historical through-line of racial violence and political inaction:
Hamburg Massacre (1876): In Edgefield County, over 100 white supremacists — many members of the Red Shirts — attacked a Black militia unit. At least six Black men were killed. No one was ever prosecuted.
Orangeburg Massacre (1968): State troopers fired into a crowd of Black college students protesting segregation at a bowling alley, killing three and wounding 27.
Mother Emanuel AME Church Massacre (2015): Nine Black worshippers, including State Senator Clementa Pinckney, were murdered by a white supremacist hoping to start a race war.
These atrocities sparked outrage, but they were followed by symbolic gestures rather than systemic reform.
Edgefield County: Shane Massey’s Home Base
Senate Majority Leader Shane Massey, who has repeatedly blocked the Pinckney Bill, hails from Edgefield County — a place infamous for its brutal racial history:
“Bloody Edgefield” Reputation: Known since the 1800s for violent vendettas and political killings.
Reconstruction-Era Terror: Home to Red Shirt paramilitary activity aimed at suppressing Black voting. Armed Democratic clubs patrolled rural roads, often killing Black leaders.
Poverty Today: About 16.4% of residents live below the poverty line; in Edgefield town, it’s 32.8%. Black poverty rates in some census blocks reach 26.1%, more than double the rate for white residents.
The county’s history makes Massey’s obstruction of the bill more than a policy position — it’s part of a continuum.
Travelers Rest: Pamela Evette’s Community
Evette lives in Travelers Rest, Greenville County — a place with its own record of racial violence and ongoing inequities:
Tom Keith Lynching (1899): An older Black farmhand lynched by a white mob. Memorialized today by the Equal Justice Initiative.
Willie Earle Lynching (1947): Often called South Carolina’s last lynching. Thirty-one white defendants were acquitted despite overwhelming evidence.
Modern Incidents:
2021: Travelers Rest High cheer team posted an image with black handprints on faces, sparking blackface concerns.
2022: Fake Instagram account targeted Black TR High students by race.
Economic Reality: Poverty in Travelers Rest is 22.5%, nearly double the county average of 11%. Median household income is just $49,655 — well below the state median.
This is the lived environment from which Evette claims “all crime is hate crime,” while ignoring the targeted nature of racial violence past and present in her own community.
What the Clementa C. Pinckney Hate Crimes Bill Actually Does
Introduced by Rep. Wendell Gilliard (D-Charleston) and named for Pinckney, the bill would:
Enhance penalties for crimes motivated by bias against race, religion, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, or disability.
Require statewide reporting and law enforcement training to recognize and document hate crimes.
Align South Carolina with 48 other states and federal standards.
It has passed the House multiple times with bipartisan support — but dies each year in the Senate at the hands of Massey and GOP leadership.
Evette’s Political Calculus
Evette’s framing — that “all lives” deserve equal protection and current laws are sufficient — is political cover:
Appealing to the Base: Avoids alienating far-right voters who call hate crime laws “special treatment.”
Selective Blindness: Ignores both the historical record of racial terror and the data showing racial bias remains the leading motivator in reported hate crimes.
Partisan Expediency: Keeps Democrats from winning a moral and legislative victory, while sidestepping acknowledgement of systemic racism.
The Data They Can’t Deny
The FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting consistently shows South Carolina logging dozens of bias-motivated incidents annually, with racial bias the top motivator. Without a state law:
Reporting is inconsistent and incomplete.
Prosecution is weaker because there’s no enhanced penalty framework.
Communities lack transparency on patterns and trends.
States with hate crimes statutes see better data, stronger deterrence, and more justice for victims.
Why It Matters Now
Nearly ten years after Mother Emanuel, lawmakers have:
Taken down the Confederate flag under national pressure.
Delivered eulogies for Pinckney.
Yet they refuse to pass the bill that would have been his true legislative legacy. This hypocrisy — honoring the man, ignoring the mission — is as glaring as it is deliberate.
The Path Forward
Breaking the cycle will require replacing entrenched Senate leadership with lawmakers willing to act. Passing the bill would:
Send a clear signal that bias-driven violence will be met with the strongest response.
Equip prosecutors and law enforcement with the tools they need.
Demonstrate moral leadership to residents, investors, and the nation.
Conclusion
Pamela Evette’s remarks are not harmless political spin — they are a defense of a status quo that has historically allowed racial violence to flourish without consequence. From Edgefield’s “Bloody” legacy to Travelers Rest’s lynching history, South Carolina’s record shows that not all crime is hate crime — but hate crimes leave scars far deeper and more enduring than ordinary violence.
By denying that reality, Evette and Massey keep the Senate doors closed, telling victims of hate that in South Carolina, your pain is negotiable.